For more
than a decade, tech billionaire Elon Musk's SpaceX rocket-testing facility
several miles west of my Central Texas neighborhood has shaken area homes,
allegedly cracking the foundations upon which they rest. Debates in the press
and on neighborhood apps over whether the roar of rocket engines is actually
damaging Waco-area infrastructure often devolves to politics, given Musk's
unrestrained, come-to-Jesus advocacy of Donald Trump's return to presidential
power.
An
82-year-old country woman recently complained online of homes “damaged by the
testing of mega rockets.” A neighbor advised stoicism: “I mean...we sort of voted for
this in November. Good luck.” Another defended Musk in run-on glee: “Nobody can
go after SpaceX give me a break like Elon said if you don’t like it move.” And
when somebody named “Thomas” countered that the manmade earthquakes would only
grow worse during Trump 2.0, the run-on guy retorted, again without benefit of
periods:
“Thomas,
fake news you crybabies will never learn I’m sure he hurt your wittle feelings
But the entire country voted for him, and everybody is done with all your woke
DEI stuff.”
Now, in what
some contend is Musk's “co-presidency” alongside the reality-TV star and
business tycoon whose presidential campaign he bankrolled to the tune of some $290 million, the eccentric tech titan unwittingly appears to be doing
something that Democrats, RINOs, the FBI, the Department of Justice and legitimate
press failed to do: cracking the very foundation of the Make America Great
Again movement. But will the fissures spread?
The
near-salvation of the first Trump presidency was that, for the most part, Trump
was the only bull in the proverbial china shop. Rational, experienced hands
sought to temper his excesses, frequently with success. This time, he’ll be one
of an entire herd of bulls smashing up the china. This herd includes Musk,
whose propensity for popping off indiscriminately has now helped inflame
tensions with the leadership of Great Britain, Germany and Canada, all allies,
as well as MAGA masterminds such as Steve Bannon.
So far, the
biggest clash involves Trump's campaign pledge to undertake mass deportation of
millions of undocumented immigrants, a racial cleansing some of his everyday
followers have longed for, even if this means booting out a significant part of
the U.S. workforce that performs many of the most back-breaking and odious of
jobs – everything from busing restaurant tables to picking produce in
sun-scorched farm fields to laboring away in highway construction and
homebuilding.
As Air Force
veteran Lloyd Coffman, a Trump supporter from the Waco suburb of Hewitt,
acknowledged during a spirited roundtable discussion of Trump supporters I
conducted for the Waco Tribune-Herald just after Trump’s inauguration in
January 2017, "you’re not going to get the common white boy sitting at
home in Hewitt to get out there and work his ass off on that damn hot road all
day long." In Coffman’s view, addressing immigration meant rigorously
vetting immigrants for employment in America.
Thus, anyone
seasoned in business and politics could have predicted that envoys from the
farming and construction industries that significantly supported Trump’s
reelection would subsequently make entreaties, begging exemption from his
ill-defined deportation scheme. MAGA’s nativist natives were always likely to
bend to such pleas, given that few “white boys” in Hewitt or anywhere else want
to, say, replace shingles on somebody’s roof midsummer.
Musk,
however, ended 2024 by pushing MAGA’s buttons, championing exemptions allowing
better-educated immigrants to assume or retain reasonably well-paid high-tech
vacancies in America through H-1B visas. And when MAGA firebrands such as Steve
Bannon condemned this as effectively cheating well-educated Americans of
good-paying, high-tech jobs, Musk eclipsed even Trump by overreacting in the
most profane of ways.
“The reason
I’m in America along with so many critical people who built SpaceX, Tesla and
hundreds of other companies that made America strong is because of H1B,” the
53-year-old South African-born founder of SpaceX and CEO of Tesla Motors
replied to a critic on “X,” the sprawling social-media platform Musk controls.
“Take a big step back and FUCK YOURSELF in the face. I will go to war on this
issue the likes of which you cannot possibly comprehend.”
Nor did
Vivek Ramaswamy – the 39-year-old Cincinnati-born Indian-American entrepreneur
briefly set to preside alongside Musk over the newly forged “Department of
Government Efficiency” (DOGE) – exactly calm the waters. Seeking to help Musk
in defending H-1B visas for high-tech jobs for non-citizens, Ramaswamy (who has
since departed from DOGE) took a devastating but insightful swipe at traditional
parts of American culture in which at least some MAGA followers revel.
“A culture
that celebrates the prom queen over the math olympiad champ, or the jock over
the valedictorian, will not produce the best engineers,” Ramaswamy posted a day
after Christmas as jocks, prom queens, former jocks and former prom queens
across the nation celebrated the holidays. “A culture that venerates Cory from
‘Boy Meets World,’ or Zach & Slater over Screech in ‘Saved by the Bell,’ or
‘Stefan’ over Steve Urkel in ‘Family Matters,’ will not produce the best
engineers.”
Ramaswamy
went on to say that he knew “multiple sets of immigrant parents in the ’90s who
actively limited how much their kids could watch those TV shows precisely
because they promoted mediocrity… and their kids went on to become wildly
successful STEM graduates.” He advised “[m]ore weekend science competitions,
fewer Saturday morning cartoons. More books, less TV. More creating, less
‘chillin.’ More extracurriculars, less ‘hanging out at the mall.’”
One can
imagine how MAGA world might have reacted had hated presidential contender
Kamala Harris dared go to the lengths Ramaswamy did in lambasting Americans for
misplaced priorities in raising and educating their children: If your boy was
or is a high school jock – or if you were one – and if your daughter’s big
dream was a spot on the homecoming queen’s court if not being the queen
herself, then your family priorities are all askew, Ramaswamy suggested.
Granted,
Musk’s over-the-top defense of H-1B visas for non-citizens is pretty rich after
claiming during the 2024 campaign that Democrats were conspiring to overrun
polling places in “swing states like Pennsylvania, Ohio, Wisconsin and Arizona”
with undocumented immigrants to foil Trump and snuff out the wishes of citizens
– an audacious falsehood from a foreign-born opportunist whose own path from
immigrant to citizen remains murky.
Ramaswamy
and Musk may be right in their H-1B visa concerns but blunder in insulting MAGA
faithful who, unlike these outspoken oligarchs, aren’t Johnny-come-latelys to
the Trump revolution, particularly Bannon. In his “War Room” podcasts, the scruffy
MAGA visionary has lambasted Musk as a globalist leeching off MAGA, government
contracts, taxpayer subsidies, even the Chinese Communist Party, proving that
Musk (in Bannon’s words) “would take (a check) from Adolf Hitler himself.”
And when
MAGA warriors charged Musk – who proclaims himself a free-speech absolutist –
with booting critics of his H-1B advocacy off his social-media platform, Bannon
took aim at someone he treats as an MAGA interloper, even infidel: “Now they’re
trying to dump the people off the platforms, like that’s going to matter. You
can’t stop us – we’re relentless and we’re never going to quit. We’re a thousand
times tougher than you guys are, and if you don’t understand that, keep it up.”
Bannon
justifies his cynicism about H-1B visas by arguing they provide tech companies
such as those Musk oversees with highly skilled non-citizen labor in
arrangements that also leave them, in effect, laboring in tech jobs for
comparatively low wages in “indentured servitude.” Musk suggests raising the
minimum wage for H-1B laborers, though this raises the question of why the
government wouldn’t then raise the minimum wage for other, mostly native-born
workers in the United States.
Trump,
caught in the crossfire and perhaps realizing the global reach through “X” of
one far wealthier than he is, may well sense the risks of crossing Musk. In any case,
Trump has now flipflopped on his earlier condemnation of H-1B visas, siding
with Musk in the MAGA in-house furor. In doing so, Trump confirms, without ever
saying so, that Musk is indeed a virtual co-president, the sort that American
patriot John Adams so feared in a democracy one day corrupted by the societal idolization
of oligarchs.
Yet what
sort of co-presidency lies ahead for Musk? Ramaswamy, his partner in the Trump-crafted
setup to improve “government efficiency,” made valid points about American
society before abandoning his DOGE appointment. But does the federal
government, in acknowledging such parental failures and educational shortfalls
in preparing native-born youths for high-tech jobs, dare assume a role in
reversing matters in a feisty political movement that, first and foremost,
wants government out of their lives?
Ramaswamy’s
opinions certainly clash with the notion that parents always know best for
their kids, a principle driving Republican legislators in Texas seeking to
funnel public money into private schools with murky concerns about curriculum
and transparency. And the push for apparent Christian indoctrination in Texas
public schools in a culture skeptical of everything from Darwin to climate
change to vaccines doesn’t bode well in forging a science-savvy generation of
native-born talent for future high-tech jobs.
The
ideological incoherence in all this – amid other missions Trump vowed to
immediately undertake in his presidency, ranging from dramatically slashing
grocery and gasoline costs to setting in motion a mass immigrant deportation
that may not prove so massive – explains his recent rants about using economic
and even military force to reclaim the Panama Canal, annex Greenland and make
Canada the 51st state. Such noise distracts from what Trump actually promised
voters.
And,
whatever else, Trump’s followers are too easily distracted in their unflinching
adoration.
Meanwhile,
Musk hogs the spotlight and adds to the chaos. Examples? In a post-election
dustup that Musk worsened through his online pronouncements, Trump left the
sidelines to lambaste Republican Congressman and fiscal hawk Chip Roy of Texas
over the latter’s refusal to raise the debt ceiling in deference to Trump, who
then dismissed Roy as "just another ambitious guy, with no talent” who
deserved to be primaried – a tactical error in a closely divided House of
Representatives.
And Musk
rained on Trump’s victory lap over saving the Chinese social-media platform
TikTok in America by noting the disparity by which TikTok is allowed in the
United States but “X” isn’t in China. Musk didn't belabor the point, but it
surely prompts reevaluation among any principled MAGA warriors who dutifully
endorsed Trump's earlier vilification and attempted ban of TikTok because, to
quote Trump back then, it would "allow the Chinese Communist Party access
to Americans’ personal and proprietary information."
And Musk played
party pooper at a party to which he apparently wasn’t invited, poo-pooing Trump’s White
House announcement of a $500 billion AI infrastructure joint venture (to be set in
Abilene) and funded in part by OpenAI. In doing so, he got into an online
pissing match with OpenAI CEO Sam Altman that made headlines. Trump played subsequently explained that, of the high-tech officials introduced, “Elon, one of the people [in the venture] he happens to hate. But I
have certain hatreds of people too.”
Complicating
all this is the fact MAGA fuses are short. After Republican state legislators –
almost all vocal supporters of Trump – split over election of a new Texas House
of Representatives speaker this month and West Texas Republican Dustin Burrows prevailed
with a mix of Republican and Democratic support, enraged Republican hardliners
vowed to censure Burrows and his Republican supporters, then use a Republican
Party of Texas rule to formally prevent them from running as Republicans in
2026.
“I look
forward to seeing if they’re still laughing after the next round of primaries,”
hardline Republican legislator Shelley Luther posted, displaying seething,
eat-our-own resentment toward fellow Republicans after the Burrows victory.
“The fight starts today.” To which a Coast Guard veteran and self-described
follower of Jesus Christ left this amen online: “Let the censures begin. Every
Republican that supported @Burrows4TX should be censured and excluded from the
2026 primary ballot.”
Disaster may
have been avoided by a subsequent vote to forbid members of the House’s minority party – in this case, Democrats – from chairing House committees, long a
sore point among Republican hardliners.
And finally,
if reporting by POLITICO is accurate, Musk was responsible for
pushing partner Ramaswamy out of the DOGE setup that Trump tapped both to head
up. While Ramaswamy reportedly irked a number of Republicans in Trump’s circle
during this period, the “ill-received holiday rant on ‘X’ by Ramaswamy about
H-1B visas apparently hastened his demise.” No word on whether anyone voiced
reservations about Musk’s telling an H-1B critic online to “FUCK YOURSELF in
the face.”
With no one
left to fight in the arena but one another, such MAGA-versus-MAGA spectacles
demonstrate how far America is into the “bread-and-circuses” phase of its
decline. The electorate has its reality-TV president back and those who aren’t
part of all this infighting must nonetheless brace for tumult, “Survivor”
style. That includes Sara Oliver, 82, who announced online she had finally found
an attorney to sue SpaceX for damaging her 116-year-old pier-and-beam home in
the Central Texas town of Lorena, population 1,700.
Whether out
of old-styled chamber-of-commerce fervor or idolization of anyone proclaiming
allegiance to Trump in the gleeful way Musk has, many in a political movement primarily
driven by grievance and resentment promptly disparaged Oliver. This included a
man in a nearby upscale community who haughtily suggested Oliver’s grievance
didn’t rate in MAGA world where apparently only certain people’s grievances really
matter: “SpaceX is more important than your poorly built house.”
And a woman
in nearby Hewitt didn’t hide her pre-inaugural joy in cavalierly dismissing her
neighbor’s fears about all the rocking and rattling. “SpaceX has sure been busy
this morning… early testing was loud and long and just now, a short one… it’s
music to my ears,” she posted in response. “It serves as a reminder that in
just 5 days, America is on the way to becoming great again. With Trump back at
the helm and Elon and Vivek heading DOGE, I have no doubt that great things are
coming for all Americans.”
Oliver, a
former Republican whose family once constituted the only Republicans in Lorena
– and who even voted for Trump in the 2016 Republican primary election because
"I thought he'd be better than (Ted) Cruz" – understands all the
sniping and cheap shots and threats, whether between titanic MAGA figures such
as Bannon and Musk or everyday folks such as herself and fellow citizens living
in a gently rolling swath of right-wing Texas where Trump chose to launch his
2024 reelection campaign.
Consequently,
Oliver takes neighbors’ smug put-downs and jeers in stride, even as she dreads
more earthshaking developments than Musk’s rocket-testing in the nearby town of
McGregor.
"Honey,
I'm not never going to vote Republican again unless – what was that young lady
that told the truth, the pretty dark-haired girl [Cassidy Hutchinson] that sat
down and testified and testified and told the truth? If she runs, she's the
kind of Republican I grew up with, people that were educated and intelligent
and had the good of the country (in mind),” Oliver told me. “They were business
people but, you know, they weren't this crap that claims to be Republican and
is actually fascist today.”
Described
by one of his editors as “an equal-opportunity skeptic” and one of his readers
as a "modern-day Don Quixote" (for better or worse), Bill Whitaker in
November 2020 retired from Texas journalism after a career of nearly 45 years
as a reporter, editor and columnist. He served as Waco Tribune-Herald opinion
editor during his final dozen years in the profession.
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